In Part 3 of this series, we turn to the remarkable contributions of Elsie Clews Parsons (1875–1941) to archaeology, sociology, and philosophy. As another student and mentee of Franz Boas, Parsons focused much of her work on the Puebloan tribes when these communities faced significant pressures to assimilate and open their reservations to outsiders. Unlike Ruth Benedict, Margaret Mead, and other women of the Columbian Anthropology Program, Parsons came from a wealthy, upper-class family. This wealth afforded her the rare ability to pursue her archaeological and ethnographic research independently, without the financial need to teach or work outside her field of interest. Her research was also profoundly informed by her advocacy for gender equality and her opposition to patriarchal traditions that limited women’s choices and opportunities, making her a pioneering figure in her scholarship and principles.
Elsie Clews Parsons (1875–1941)
Elsie Clews Parsons (1875–1941) was not your typical anthropologist or ethnographer. Her career was marked by remarkable diversity, blending rigorous ethnographic fieldwork, feminist advocacy, and philosophical inquiry. Parsons did not follow the traditional academic path, unlike many of her contemporaries. Instead, her wealth allowed her to pursue her intellectual interests independently, free from the constraints of teaching obligations or institutional affiliations. This independence allowed her to explore controversial ideas and challenge societal norms, leaving a profound legacy in multiple disciplines.
Born into an affluent New York family, Parsons was surrounded by privilege and opportunity. She attended Barnard College, earning a degree in sociology, and later completed her PhD at Columbia University in 1899. Initially drawn to sociology, she shifted her focus to anthropology under the mentorship of Franz Boas. Boas’s groundbreaking ideas on cultural relativism and the scientific study of human cultures profoundly influenced her, guiding her transition to ethnography. Her elite upbringing and education set her apart from many of her peers, giving her the resources and intellectual foundation to engage in pioneering research.
Parsons was anything but a conventional anthropologist or ethnographer. Her career reflected an extraordinary blend of intellectual curiosity, feminist advocacy, and interdisciplinary research. Though Parsons did some teaching (Edwards, n.d.), she did not pursue a traditional academic career, unlike many of her contemporaries. Thus, she was not subjected to the humiliating backbiting and professional disdain heaped upon later women anthropologists like Gladys Amanda Reichard, whom we examined in Part 2 of this series. Instead, her personal wealth granted her the rare freedom to work independently, unencumbered by the demands of teaching or institutional constraints. This independence allowed her to delve deeply into controversial ideas and sensitive fieldwork, leaving an enduring legacy that spanned anthropology, sociology, and philosophy. Her work with the Pueblo peoples of the American Southwest exemplifies her commitment to respecting cultural diversity and preserving Indigenous traditions during a time of significant external pressures for native tribes to assimilate into Western society at the expense of their unique languages and traditions.
Advocacy & Controversial Ideas
Parsons’s early writings exemplified her feminist ideals and boldness in challenging entrenched societal norms. In works such as The Family (1906) and Ethical Relations (1911), she critiqued traditional marriage and family structures, arguing that they perpetuated patriarchal hierarchies that constrained women’s autonomy. While these controversial ideas faced criticism, they also established Parsons as a progressive and forward-thinking intellectual. Her commitment to gender equality extended into her ethnographic work, where she often highlighted the roles and contributions of women in the cultures she studied. This nuanced perspective on gender dynamics reflects the influence of Franz Boas, particularly his theory of “historical particularism,” which emphasized the need to understand cultures within their unique historical and environmental contexts, challenging the ethnocentric assumptions and hierarchical frameworks of cultural evolutionism that dominated the era.
Despite the rigidity of social expectations for women of her class, Parsons did not set aside her intellectual pursuits after marrying Herbert Parsons, a Harvard- and Yale-educated lawyer who later served three terms as a Republican congressman from New York. Over a decade, she gave birth to six children, though only four survived into adulthood. Nevertheless, she continued to write, lecture, and challenge social conventions. Her first book, The Family (1906), was particularly provocative, as it argued for equal professional opportunities for women and introduced the idea of “trial marriage,” a radical concept that opponents later used to attack her husband’s political career. To shield him from controversy, Parsons published under the pseudonym “John Main” her two books in 1913: Religious Chastity, which examined religious sexual practices, and The Old-Fashioned Woman, which analyzed how gendered behavior was ingrained from childhood. However, by the mid-1910s, she had returned to publishing under her own name, producing works such as Fear and Conventionality (1914), Social Freedom (1915), and Social Rule (1916), all of which reinforced her argument that women should be liberated from the oppressive social norms that had shaped her own early life.
Puebloan Ethnographic Contributions
Parsons’s ethnographic work was groundbreaking, particularly her focus on the Pueblo peoples of the American Southwest. Conducting fieldwork in communities such as the Tewa, Hopi, Zuni, and Taos, she documented rituals, oral traditions, and social structures with meticulous detail. Her magnum opus, Pueblo Indian Religion (1939), is a monumental two-volume study that remains one of the most comprehensive accounts of Pueblo spiritual practices. In this work, she explored ceremonial cycles, cosmological beliefs, and the integration of religion into everyday life. Another significant contribution, Tewa Tales (1926), preserved the oral traditions of the Tewa Pueblo, ensuring these rich narratives would endure for future generations. Her fieldwork exemplified her deep respect for the cultures she studied and her commitment to combating the cultural erasure faced by Native communities.
Parsons conducted extensive fieldwork with several Puebloan communities in the American Southwest, including:
Tewa (Northern New Mexico): Her work with the Tewa Pueblo was exceptionally detailed, culminating in the publication of Tewa Tales (1926), which preserved oral traditions from communities such as San Juan (Ohkay Owingeh), Santa Clara, and San Ildefonso.
Hopi (Northeastern Arizona): Parsons documented the Hopi’s ceremonial practices and kachina traditions, exploring their integration of spirituality into daily life.
Zuni (Western New Mexico): Her research on the Zuni focused on their cosmological beliefs, social organization, and vibrant oral traditions.
Taos (Northern New Mexico): Parsons observed and recorded Taos Pueblo’s distinctive rituals and practices, known for its iconic multi-storied adobe structures.
Parsons’s use of photography during her fieldwork was groundbreaking for her time. Her photographs, now housed in various archives, provide invaluable visual documentation of Pueblo life, rituals, and material culture. These images have become an essential resource for contemporary researchers, offering insights into practices and traditions that have since evolved or disappeared.
Work in the Caribbean & Interest in Vodou
Parsons’s fieldwork extended beyond the American Southwest to the Caribbean, where she studied the region’s rich and complex cultural traditions. Her interest in Haitian Vodou reflects her commitment to documenting marginalized and misunderstood spiritual practices. She explored how Vodou blended African religious elements with Christian influences to create a uniquely syncretic belief system. Through her research, Parsons challenged the Western stereotypes surrounding Vodou, emphasizing its cultural and social significance in Haitian communities. This work expanded her legacy, demonstrating her versatility as an ethnographer and commitment to cultural relativism.
Parsons’s studies in the Caribbean culminated in publications such as Folklore of the Antilles, French and English (1933–1943). This three-volume work preserved the region’s oral traditions, proverbs, and myths. Franz Boas’s encouragement to document cultures underrepresented in academic research may have influenced her focus on Vodou and other spiritual practices. However, her intellectual curiosity and feminist ideals also played a significant role. Parsons likely viewed Vodou as a prime example of the resilience and creativity of oppressed peoples, mainly enslaved Africans who used spiritual practices to sustain community and identity under colonial rule. Her work underscored the importance of understanding these practices not as “superstitions” but as complex systems of meaning, reflecting her broader critique of ethnocentric biases in Western scholarship. Given that Parsons undertook this project independently—funded by her resources—it underscores her deep passion for cultural preservation and ethnographic research. Few anthropologists of her time produced such a comprehensive and influential body of work. Her Caribbean research is a testament to her intellectual versatility and enduring legacy in anthropology and folklore studies.
The American Ethnological Society (AES)
The American Ethnological Society (AES), founded in 1842 by Albert Gallatin, is the oldest professional anthropological organization in the United States and a foundational institution in the development of anthropology as a discipline. Initially focused on the documentation of Native American languages, customs, and histories, the AES later broadened its scope to include global cultures and cross-cultural studies. During the early 20th century, Elsie Clews Parsons played a pivotal role in advancing the society’s mission. As treasurer from 1916 to 1922 and president from 1923 to 1925, Parsons used her personal wealth and influence to support the AES in significant ways. Recognizing the financial barriers faced by less well-off students, she provided direct assistance to those unable to afford the costs associated with attending conferences, conducting fieldwork, or publishing their research. This support not only fostered the careers of emerging anthropologists but also ensured that the society’s mission of documenting and preserving diverse cultures could continue unimpeded. Parsons’s generosity extended to funding the publication of scholarly works and ensuring the AES remained a hub for intellectual collaboration. Her contributions exemplify her dedication to advancing the field of anthropology and empowering the next generation of scholars to explore and preserve the world’s cultural heritage.
The American Anthropological Association (AAA)
Elsie Clews Parsons played a groundbreaking role in advancing anthropology in the American Anthropological Association (AAA) as a trailblazer. Her most notable achievement was her election as the AAA’s first female president in 1941, a milestone that broke barriers for women in a field traditionally dominated by men. Throughout her leadership, Parsons championed the principles of cultural anthropology, emphasizing the importance of preserving Indigenous cultures and documenting the experiences of marginalized groups, particularly women and Native American communities. Her presidency reflected her unwavering commitment to fostering collaboration among anthropologists and advancing the discipline as a rigorous scientific field.
As a dedicated Boasian scholar, Parsons strongly supported the AAA’s focus on cultural relativism and ethnographic fieldwork, aligning with Franz Boas’s vision of studying cultures on their own terms. Her tenure underscored her broader goals of promoting inclusivity, supporting emerging scholars, and advocating for the documentation of diverse traditions. In addition to her contributions to the AAA, Parsons’s involvement with the American Ethnological Society (AES)—where she served as treasurer and later president—further cemented her legacy as a transformative leader. Her ability to bridge these two influential organizations highlighted her dedication to shaping anthropology during a critical period of its growth and professionalization.
The American Folklore Society (AFS)
Elsie Clews Parsons’s research was published by the American Folklore Society (AFS), where she served as president from 1918 to 1920. Founded in 1888, the AFS remains North America’s oldest and largest professional folklore society. It serves as an international network for folklorists, supporting the study and promotion of folk and traditional arts and the communities that sustain them. The society continues to host annual meetings, with its 136th meeting held in November 2024 in Albuquerque, New Mexico. Additionally, the AFS publishes the Journal of American Folklore, a peer-reviewed academic journal circulating since the society’s founding. Parsons’s contributions to the AFS and extensive folklore research significantly impacted the field, further solidifying her legacy in anthropology and folklore studies.
Response to Indigenous Critics
While researching the digital American Philosophical Society Elsie Clews Parsons Manuscript Collections, I came across a blog by Alexis Scalese, a member of the Isleta Pueblo, where Parsons conducted ethnographic research. The blog’s tone and language struck me as dismissive and, at times, unprofessional. In the opening paragraph, Scalese refers to Parsons as a “notorious anthropologist” who “used extractive and anti-Indigenous anthropological practices to research Isleta’s culture.” She criticizes the use of “Indigenous informants” by early 20th-century anthropologists, characterizing this practice as a form of “exploitation” despite acknowledging that the tribal member willingly accepted payment from Parsons. This perspective reflects a broader trend among contemporary Indigenous activists, who often denounce early anthropology as inherently colonialist. While such critiques warrant discussion, it is worth unpacking whether the accusations leveled at Parsons and her methods are fair or reflective of the historical context in which she worked.
Parsons use of “Informants.” In the early 20th century, anthropologists widely relied on informants—community members who shared knowledge about their culture, language, and traditions. This practice was an essential methodological tool, especially for researchers who were not fluent in the local language or fully integrated into the community. It was also common practice to compensate informants for their time and efforts. Parsons’s payment to her Pueblo informant for paintings and ethnographic work reflects a form of exchange rather than exploitation. She acknowledged its value by paying for this labor and likely aimed to build trust and reciprocity. Like many Boasian anthropologists, Parsons sought to preserve Indigenous knowledge when assimilation policies threatened it. Her work with informants was often collaborative and respectful, reflecting her commitment to cultural relativism.
Modern Anthropology and the Term “Informant.” While “informant” has fallen out of favor due to its colonial and hierarchical connotations, working closely with community members remains central to anthropology. Today, such collaborators are often referred to as “consultants,” “participants,” or “co-researchers,” emphasizing mutual respect and shared authority in the research process. Criticizing Parsons for using informants without considering the historical context is anachronistic. It fails to account for how anthropology has evolved and how practices like Parsons laid the groundwork for the more collaborative approaches we see today.
The Handling of Culturally Sensitive Materials. Scalese (2022) states: “Based on prior conversations I have had with Isleta Pueblo’s Tribal Archivist, Parsons collaborated with, and paid, a tribal member to produce a series of paintings depicting culturally sensitive traditions. In a series of letters exchanged between Parsons and the tribal member, Parsons promised that these paintings would never be published or shared with others. However, after Parsons’ death, her student Esther Goldfrank decided to publish and share these paintings. These paintings have since been scattered throughout museums and archives across the U.S. with some of these paintings located here, at the American Philosophical Society.”
The blog author raises a significant ethical concern about handling culturally sensitive materials collected during Elsie Clews Parsons’s research. Suppose Parsons promised her Isleta Pueblo collaborator that the paintings depicting sacred traditions would remain private. In that case, it is understandable that their later publication by her student Esther Goldfrank would be viewed as a breach of trust. This incident highlights a broader issue within early 20th-century anthropology, where preserving cultural materials was often prioritized over maintaining agreements with Indigenous collaborators. However, it’s essential to situate Parsons’s actions within their historical context. By collaborating directly with and compensating the tribal members for their work, Parsons demonstrated a progressive approach to her time, acknowledging the value of the artist’s contributions and attempting to balance cultural sensitivity with her scholarly pursuits.
The dispersal of these paintings to museums and archives across the U.S. reflects a systemic issue of the era, where Indigenous artifacts and cultural materials were often collected, displayed, or stored without sufficient regard for the wishes of their source communities. While this critique deserves thoughtful consideration, it is also essential to recognize that Parsons’s intentions appear to have been made in good faith. The responsibility for the breach lies with Goldfrank, who likely believed the academic value of the paintings justified their publication despite Parsons’s earlier commitment. This case underscores the need for contemporary anthropologists and institutions to learn from past mistakes by prioritizing collaboration, ethical stewardship, and repatriation efforts. Parsons’s work should be seen within this complex historical framework, reflecting both the progressiveness and limitations of early anthropology.
Critiques of Anthropology as “Colonial Science.” Many Indigenous scholars and activists view anthropology, particularly its early history, as a tool of colonialism used to extract knowledge about Indigenous cultures without meaningful collaboration or respect for Indigenous sovereignty. Early anthropologists often approached their subjects from a Eurocentric perspective, collecting artifacts, recording oral histories, and documenting religious and social practices with little regard for how Indigenous communities wanted their knowledge to be represented or used. These scholars frequently published their findings in Western institutions without returning the knowledge to the communities they studied, reinforcing a one-sided dynamic of knowledge extraction.
Beyond epistemological concerns, anthropology was deeply entangled with colonial policies. Many anthropologists conducted research during periods of forced assimilation, land dispossession, and government-led suppression of Indigenous languages and traditions. Their work, whether intentionally or not, often aligned with governmental and academic institutions that sought to categorize, manage, or even control Indigenous populations. Some anthropologists contributed to racialized theories of human development, reinforcing ideas of Indigenous peoples as “primitive” societies destined for eventual assimilation into Western civilization. Even those with more humanitarian or preservationist motives sometimes treated Indigenous cultures as “vanishing” or “frozen in time,” ignoring the agency, adaptability, and resilience of these communities.
As a result, anthropology has historically been viewed by some Indigenous groups as an extension of the colonial enterprise, aiding in the disruption of traditional knowledge systems and community governance structures. However, this critique has also led to meaningful shifts in the discipline, with modern anthropologists emphasizing collaborative research methodologies, Indigenous-led scholarship, and the repatriation of cultural materials and knowledge. The emergence of Indigenous anthropology and decolonial approaches within the field reflects an ongoing effort to address these historical injustices and redefine anthropology as a tool for empowerment rather than exploitation.
Anthropology’s Role in Preservation. Despite these valid critiques, anthropology has undeniably played a critical role in preserving cultural knowledge. Many Indigenous oral histories, myths, and languages were first documented by anthropologists like Parsons, providing invaluable records for descendants. Detailed observations of rituals, social structures, and art forms remain a key resource for Indigenous communities seeking to revitalize or reconnect with their heritage. Anthropologists like Franz Boas and Elsie Clews Parsons often fought against racist and assimilationist policies, using their work to argue for the richness and complexity of Indigenous cultures.
Conclusion: A Trailblazing Legacy
Parsons was deeply engaged in progressive intellectual circles, frequently interacting with influential thinkers and activists of her time. She occasionally attended the New York salons of Mabel Dodge Luhan, a patron of the arts known for fostering avant-garde discussions, counting among her acquaintances figures such as Max Eastman, founder of The Masses, and Walter Lippmann, one of the early architects of The New Republic in 1914. Her commitment to pacifism during World War I further distinguished her from many of her contemporaries, and Parsons remained a dedicated pacifist. In 1940, she publicly endorsed Norman Thomas, the Socialist candidate for president, reinforcing her lifelong commitment to progressive ideals. Parsons also lectured at the New School for Social Research, an institution renowned for its dedication to academic freedom and progressive scholarship. While there, she influenced a young Ruth Benedict, encouraging her to study under Franz Boas, a mentorship that would later shape Benedict’s distinguished anthropological career.
I began this article with a quote from Scalese (2022), who referred to Parsons as a “notorious anthropologist.” But was she indeed “notorious”? Elsie Clews Parsons’s career was a remarkable blend of innovation, independence, and advocacy. From her meticulous documentation of the Pueblo peoples to her groundbreaking studies of Caribbean Vodou, Parsons expanded the boundaries of anthropology and ethnography, often challenging societal norms and academic conventions. Her contributions, preserved through archives like the American Philosophical Society and her extensive published works, continue to inspire and educate scholars today.
Far from being “notorious” in the negative sense, Parsons was a trailblazer—a scholar whose intellectual freedom and commitment to cultural diversity set her apart as a truly unique figure in the history of anthropology. She excelled in leadership roles within professional organizations. She set a standard for scholarly integrity, cultural sensitivity, and methodological rigor that few of her contemporaries, and even fewer since have matched. If notoriety means challenging conventions, amplifying marginalized voices, and reshaping the field in ways that still resonate today, then perhaps Parsons has more than earned the title.
Archival Legacy: The American Philosophical Society (APS)
Elsie Clews Parsons’s election to the American Philosophical Society (APS) was a testament to her interdisciplinary contributions. As a member of the APS, she joined a distinguished lineage of intellectuals dedicated to advancing knowledge. Her extensive field notes, photographs, and unpublished materials are housed in the APS archives, where they continue to be studied by anthropologists, historians, and cultural scholars.
In addition to the APS, her materials are scattered across other institutions. For example, the American Folklore Society and select university libraries hold portions of her correspondence and field notes. This dispersion of her work underscores its enduring value and the widespread interest in her contributions.
References & Resources
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American Philosophical Society. (n.d.). Elsie Clews Parsons papers (Mss.Ms.Coll.29), 1880-1980. American Philosophical Society. https://as.amphilsoc.org/repositories/2/resources/2629
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Lippmann, W. (1914). The New Republic (founding editorial archives). The New Republic. https://newrepublic.com
Luhan, M. D. (1935). Lorenzo in Taos. Harcourt, Brace & Company.
Manley, E. (2021, March 3). Elsie Clews Parsons: Scholarly life “just on the edge of adventure”. BlogAPS Library, American Philosophical Society. https://www.amphilsoc.org/blog/elsie-clews-parsons-scholarly-life-just-edge-adventure
McHenry, R. (Ed.). (1980). Famous American women. Dover.
New School for Social Research. (n.d.). History and academic mission. The New School. https://www.newschool.edu/nssr
Parsons, E. C. (1906). The family: An ethnographical and historical study of the family structure. G.P. Putnam’s Sons.
Parsons, E. C. (1911). Ethical relations. G.P. Putnam’s Sons.
Parsons, E. C. (1913a). Religious chastity. G.P. Putnam’s Sons.
Parsons, E. C. (1913b). The old-fashioned woman: Primitive fancies about the sex. G.P. Putnam’s Sons.
Parsons, E. C. (1914). Fear and conventionality. G.P. Putnam’s Sons.
Parsons, E. C. (1915). Social freedom. G.P. Putnam’s Sons.
Parsons, E. C. (1916). Social rule: A study of the will to power. G.P. Putnam’s Sons.
Parsons, E. C. (1926). Tewa tales. Memoirs of the American Folklore Society, No. 19. G.E. Stechert & Co.
Parsons, E. C. (1933–1943). Folk-lore of the Antilles, French and English (Vols. 1–3). New York: The American Folklore Society.
Parsons, E. C. (1939). Pueblo Indian religion (Vols. 1–2). University of Chicago Press.
Scalese, A. (2022, November 4). Now and later: Recontextualizing Elsie Clews Parsons from a Pueblo perspective. American Philosophical Society. Retrieved January 3, 2025, from https://www.amphilsoc.org/blog/now-and-later-recontextualizing-elsie-clews-parsons-pueblo-perspective
Spier, L., & Kroeber, A. L. (1943). Elsie Clews Parsons. American Anthropologist, 45(2), 244–255.
Zarnow, L. (2024, July 29). Traces of heterodoxy in the Elsie Clews Parsons papers. American Philosophical Society. Retrieved January 02, 2025, from https://www.amphilsoc.org/blog/traces-heterodoxy-elsie-clews-parsons-papers
Zumwalt, R. L. (1992). Wealth and rebellion: Elsie Clews Parsons, anthropologist and folklorist. University of Illinois Press.
Wikipedia contributors. (n.d.). Elsie Clews Parsons. Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Retrieved January 3, 2025, from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elsie_Clews_Parsons
Images
City University of New York. (n.d.). Elsie Clews Parsons [Photograph]. In A. Relyea, Pride in Rye Part Two: Three Women Lead the Way. Rye Historical Society. Retrieved January 3, 2025, from https://www.ryehistory.org/stories/2019/6/28/pride-in-rye-part-two-three-women-lead-the-way
Parsons, E. W. C. (1918–1926). Adobe dwelling with ladder [Photograph of Tewa settlement, Tesuque Pueblo, New Mexico]. Elsie Clews Parsons Papers. American Philosophical Society. Retrieved from https://diglib.amphilsoc.org/islandora/object/graphics%3AMss.Ms.Coll.29?f%5B0%5D=collection_block%3AElsie%20Clews%20Parsons%20Papers
Parsons, E. W. C. (1925). Taos dwellings [Photograph of adobe dwellings at the foot of Taos Peak, New Mexico]. Elsie Clews Parsons Papers. American Philosophical Society. https://diglib.amphilsoc.org/islandora/object/graphics%3A1992
Unknown photographer. (n.d.). Parsons, seated outside [Photograph]. Elsie Clews Parsons Papers. American Philosophical Society. https://diglib.amphilsoc.org/islandora/object/graphics%3A5441
Acknowledgements
Researched and written with the assistance of ChatGPT-4 by OpenAI (https://chat.openai.com)
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